Write chapter 5 thesis

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The team is comprised of knowledgeable members of staff; you can ask them anything regarding you thesis discussion chapter and they will advise you accordingly. The third research question was expanded to include identified variables for investigation. Research question one was expanded to include the following hypotheses:. The fourth research question was created to explore possible existing relationships which could be developed into a hypothesis in a later study. Thus, it was left as a research question to be explored. Directors of the tutoring programs at each of the ten campuses agreed to participate in the study.

Adult peer tutors were defined as tutors who were hired because of possession of content knowledge and success in the subject or skill area to be tutored demonstrated by superior coursework or work experience. Though the tutors hired may have had some background or interest in teaching or education, this background was not a hiring criterion.

Often, adult peer tutors also referred to as tutors in this study are students themselves and have just completed the courses they have been hired to tutor. Two researcher-created instruments were developed for the study. Tutors were presented with six situations and asked three questions about each situation. The tutors were given both instruments in the beginning of one semester as a pre-test and a different form of both instruments at the end of the same semester as a post-test. Participation was completely voluntary as noted in the cover letter to each participant.

Demographic information on the participating tutors was collected. There was almost equal representation in the gender of the tutors There was a wide range of diversity in age and education. Tutors ranged in age from , though more than a third Only two tutors were 70 or above. Education was defined by the highest degree earned which ranged from no degree high school graduate The grade point average GPA of the tutors was above average.

Almost two-thirds In reviewing the results of the study, it can be observed that three of the five null hypotheses were rejected. The first null hypothesis was rejected; thus, significant differences were found among groups based on the amount of training that was provided at their colleges during the semester. Significant differences in the total TSORA mean scores were found between the group provided with more than 10 hours of training and each of the two groups with less than 10 hours or no training being provided.

The second null hypothesis was also rejected. Significant differences also existed between groups based on training for at least one of the TSORA sub-test topics. These two hypotheses were not rejected. The last null hypothesis was rejected. More research is needed to test the significance of the relationship. The purpose of this study was to investigate the question of whether training for tutors increases their ability to choose an appropriate action in a tutoring situation.

The theoretical framework of constructivism laid the foundation for the role of the tutor, that is to help each student move toward mastery of new information. Constructivism forms the basis of the needed interactions between the tutors and their students. Metacognition provides a theoretical framework for tutors to help their students learn to help themselves.

Tutors can help students become aware of and use metacognitive strategies to assess their own needs, develop a plan to meet those needs, and evaluate the effectiveness of their plan. In short, metacognition can help students gain autonomy and take responsibility for their own learning and learning needs. Limitations of the study, in addition to those mentioned in Chapter III, were identified after data collection and analysis. The first limitation was the lack of participation from and uneven representation of the sample population. Patterns were affected by aspects of the surrounding context and by aspects inherent to characteristics of the initial dwelling.

Consequently, different dwelling groups showed different processes of progressive development.

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As progressive developments, dwellings at El Gallo were able to adopt new and diverse roles along their whole process of evolution. In this section, relevant issues of the process of dwelling evolution observed at El Gallo are discussed. The first concerns the role of the non-permanent structure in the context of El Gallo as a sponsored progressive development project.

The second comments on the process of dwelling evolution that followed the construction of the permanent structure. In principle, non-permanent structures at El Gallo were similar to ranchos built in informal settlements. Ranchos at El Gallo served as primary shelters while more basic household priorities were met i.

However, the majority of tin shacks were neither considerably increased nor upgraded with better materials even when they were used for long periods of time. This fact, together with the sudden change in the pace of development caused by the construction of a very complete permanent dwelling and subsequent removal of the rancho, had no connection with the gradual process of shack replacement observed in invasion settlements of Ciudad Guayana during this study Portela, M. Neither did this process have a relationship with the system of "piecemeal construction" described by several housing researchers as characteristic of low-income dwellers.


The shanties were In particular the piecemeal system of building afforded great advantages to those who, like most of the poor in developing societies, have great variations in income from month to month Peattie L. Under El Gallo conditions of land security, ranchos did not show consolidation, and revealed their transient character because they were eventually substituted by permanent structures.

The non-permanent structure revealed the primary household's aspiration for a minimum satisfactory habitable area. However, besides basic shelter during the initial stage, ranchos served to the purposes of capital accumulation that eventually allowed households to buy a basic unit according to official standards, or building a bigger, more complete first permanent structure. The size of ranchos reflected households' aspirations for the permanent dwelling, that is,smaller ranchos were substituted by basic units of the housing programs.

Instead larger ranchos were substituted by large self-produced dwellings. It is difficult to ascertain why ranchos were removed when they could have been kept as part of the dwelling, as in fact did a minority of households 2 cases. Is a fact that the temporary materials of ranchos contributed to their deterioration that ended with the total removal of the rancho. However, an idea that may have contributed to the demolition of the rancho was the household's adoption of the planner's belief that ranchos were a bad but necessary step on the way to obtaining permanent housing.

Thus, once the permanent dwelling was built, the price households paid to gain credibility i.


This interpretation can be specially true for Ciudad Guayana, where dwellings of certain quality such as those of El Gallo were seen as "casas" or houses. Instead, structures of similar quality in the hills of cities such as Caracas were still considered ranchos.

In the long run, informal settlements obtained the largest benefits from this process because they gained far more official tolerance and social credibility i. Those who lived in smaller ranchos improved their spatial conditions by moving to the small basic dwellings.

Those who occupied bigger ranchos built bigger dwellings by themselves. Still, some households built their dwellings without going through the rancho stage.